The controversial –previously charged with crimes- cabinet and the contentious bill abolishing the anti-graft prosecutor.
On October 25 2023, as no single party or alliance reached the 76 seats needed for a majority, a coalition government of Smer-SD, Hlas-SD, and SNS was formed.
A new government with Robert Fico as prime minister, with a coalition of three parties ranging from the left to the far right was sworn in by the president Zuzana Caputova.
Fico returned to power and took over as prime minister for the fourth time after being forced from office in 2018 by mass protests following the murder of investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová.
Under the next government, courts convicted over 40 people connected to the Fico coalition, mostly for abuse of office and corruption, including judges, senior police and intelligence officers, entrepreneurs, lawyers, and public servants.
Fico’s newly nominated cabinet features politicians who had previously been legally prosecuted including Fico himself, suggesting another policy agenda to the ruling coalition. The agenda of protecting key allies and/or accomplices from legal jeopardy.
More specifically, per reports by politico.com “such politicians include Fico himself, former Interior Minister Robert Kaliňák, who now has the defense portfolio and Deputy Justice Minister Pavol Gašpar.. Cases against all three men were later dropped. But Pavol Gašpar’s father, Smer MP Tibor Gašpar, remains indicted as the alleged head of a criminal group that operated within the police — as is central bank governor Peter Kažimir, a former finance minister appointed by Smer.”
“Smer is not a social democratic party — it’s not a political party at all. It was established in 1999 as a business project by oligarchs together with Robert Fico, and the only reason was to strengthen the position of those oligarchs. And, let’s make a long story short, to rob the country blind” claimed Michal Vašečka, a political scientist from Bratislava Policy Institute.
Other controversial figures in Fico’s cabinet incorporate Culture Minister Martina Šimkovičová and Deputy Environment Minister Filip Kuffa. Šimkovičova, long time TV presenter was fired in 2015 for mocking refugees and disparaging homosexuality and now works for TV Slovan; a well known for peddling conspiracy theories and disinformation television channel.
As for Kuffa, the 36-year-old, along with his (MP) father was charged with the criminal offence of making dangerous threats to a neighboring farmer. In addition, as substitute to the Environment ministry, he proposed culling protected species like bears and reducing the protection of national parks.
Internationally, Slovakia’s new government raises concerns as to the potentiality of a liability to the unity of NATO and the EU. Fico, during his campaign pledged to put a stop to Slovak military aid to Ukraine claiming that “the war in Ukraine is not our (Slovakia’s) problem”. Indeed, Slovakia “hasn’t sent another bullet to Ukraine” halting military support to Kyiv and making a dramatic shift from the strongly pro-Ukraine stance.
Moreover, Fico campaigned heavily on pledges to make Slovakia’s foreign policy independent of EU partners and the U.S., and get tough on keeping out migrants seeking to make it to western Europe. Another dramatic turnaround in the country’s foreign policy that could strain a fragile unity in the European Union and NATO, setting a different course than Slovakia’s previous pro-Western one.
Despite the party’s claims of representing the Slovak people and the nation's traditional values, only 23% of the electorate voted for Smer, with the people’s discontentment already coming to be apparent through protests all across the country. Demonstrations have recently soared with the passing of the anti-graft bill.
The Anti-Graft law
The Fico administration has ignited a firestorm of controversy with its recent legislative manoeuvres. In a move that has sparked widespread condemnation both domestically and internationally, lawmakers voted to pass an amendment to the country's criminal code, significantly altering penalties for various offenses and effectively dismantling key anti-corruption measures.
The amendment, which passed with the support of 78 members in the 150-seat Parliament, introduces alarming changes to the penal code. Among the most contentious provisions is the reduction in penalties for corruption-related crimes. For instance, accepting or demanding a bribe exceeding €700,000 will now carry a maximum sentence of 5-10 years, down from the previous 10-15 years.
Equally concerning is the drastic reduction in the statute of limitations for major offenses, including rape. Under the new law, victims of rape will have only 10 years to secure a verdict, compared to the previous 20-year window. This change raises serious concerns about justice for victims and accountability for perpetrators of heinous crimes.
However, perhaps the most alarming aspect of the legislative package is the decision to abolish the office of the special prosecutor, which plays a crucial role in tackling corruption and major crimes such as organized crime and extremism. Instead, these critical cases will be entrusted to prosecutors in regional offices, despite their lack of experience in handling such complex matters.
The move to dismantle the anti-graft prosecutor's office has been met with vehement opposition from both within Slovakia and beyond its borders. Thousands of Slovaks have taken to the streets in protest, with demonstrations spreading from the capital, Bratislava, to more than 30 cities and towns across the country. International observers have also expressed alarm at the erosion of anti-corruption measures in Slovakia, warning that it could have far-reaching implications for the rule of law and democratic governance.
Considering the accusations against members of the Slovakian government in the past, the introduction and passing of this bill is interpreted by many as an absence of progress or repentance and as a potential threat to the country’s rule of law and democracy.